Preface: This was my final paper for one of my college courses at the বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় of Washington. Considering সাম্প্রতিক conversations on this spot, I decided to share it. I take no offense if no one reads it completely - it's an academic paper, not a tweet অথবা a ফেসবুক status update, so I know it's long and wordy. Lastly (and this should go without saying) Plagiarism rules apply, and this is easily searchable on the Interwebs so, আপনি know, be smart.
Why is the education of women important to development?
According to the UN Arab Human Development প্রতিবেদন from 2005, “an Arab renaissance cannot be accomplished without the rise of women in Arab countries.” Under the সাম্প্রতিক Taliban regime, girls were forbidden from attending school. Even though the Taliban no longer have control of the government, they still attack girls who attempt to get an education. Though the current government supports the education of women, they have little funds to give to it. As such, the cause has attracted governments and NGOs like the World খাবার Program and the Canadian International Development Agency to contribute resources to encourage young women to go to schools.
The Women in Development concept (WID), which arose during the emancipation of women in the West, changed the way women were perceived in relation to economic development. WID critics of development planning argued for “better designated opportunities that could help women to advance their competitiveness and productivity in a male-dominated economy without superimposing western values regarding appropriate work for women” (Sheppard et al, 80). The first step to empowering women and allowing them to contribute to the progress of their nation is to provide a basic education. But unfortunately, the resources required to obtain that education remain elusive to the young girls of Afghanistan, for whom walking three blocks to school is the equivalent of crossing a battlefield.
A Brief Historical Analysis of Afghanistan
We’ll begin with 1880, when the British gained control over আফগান foreign relations at the end of the সেকেন্ড Anglo-Afghan War. Afghanistan’s borders shrank, delineated দ্বারা the negotiating Russians and British. To the two feuding empires, Afghanistan served as a buffer state. The Durand Line, established during this time, separated the militant Pashtun tribe’s territory in half. Problems resulting from that division continue today.
Afghanistan won full independence in the Third Anglo-Afghan War in 1919, fought to end the British control over their foreign affairs. The leader of the time, Amanullah, worked towards modernization, which basically translated to westernization. Reforms encouraged women to stop wearing the burka, and men to wear Western-style clothing. These reforms infuriated religious groups, who revolted and sent Amanullah fleeing from the country. In 1953, the Soviet Union helped Afghanistan modernize its military and economy, but social reforms were slow. As a result, the Soviets held a heavy influence over Afghanistan, which would cause a lot of damage to Afghanistan in later years. Afghanistan adopted a new constitution in 1964, changing their absolute monarchy government to a constitutional monarchy. But according to the BBC, “Afghanistan’s descent into conflict and instability… began with the overthrow of the king in 1973.”
Muhammad Daud declared himself president of the new republic, but in April 1978 he was shot and killed. Muhammad Taraki was now the head of Afghanistan’s first Marxist government. Taraki wanted vast reform, including the emancipation of women and a literacy campaign, but just as with Amanullah, this offended the Islamic population. Taraki was deposed and later killed in September 1979. His successor attempted to suppress the Islamic rebellion to no avail. On December 25th, 1979, the Soviet Union invaded. The occupation lasted ten years, but the Red Army didn’t withdraw peacefully. A million Afghans হারিয়ে গেছে their lives, and still আরো fled the country. The mujahideen, Islamic আফগান fighters, resisted the Soviet army and tried to force them to retreat with help from the United States. In 1992, the mujahideen took power of the new Islamic Republic. But the war took its toll on Afghanistan. দ্বারা the end of it, half the population had migrated, was displaced in the country, and was either wounded, অথবা killed. In addition, the school system was আরো অথবা less destroyed, and as a result, the economy was in shambles, and industrialization was limited.
But that was only the beginning. Fighting broke out among the mujahideen factions, and eventually the Taliban emerged. The Taliban was predominantly made up of members of the Pashtun tribe, which traditionally held power in Afghanistan, and the Taliban sought to restore that power. The Taliban’s goal was to impose a rigid fundamental version of Islamic law. They took Kabul in 1996. Taliban law forced women to wear burkas and forbid them from attending school অথবা working, among several other strict laws. The international community condemned the Taliban, but it wasn’t until after the September 11th 2001 attacks দ্বারা the Taliban-supporting al-Qaeda that the United States and Britain actively tried to depose the Taliban regime, succeeding in 2002.
There was an interim government for a few years, leading to Afghanistan’s first presidential election in October of 2004, but Taliban factions still remain present and active in the country.
Even though a large part of the blame for the struggle of আফগান women could be attributed to the Taliban, I began this historical analysis way back in 1880 to প্রদর্শনী that several other things have contributed to Afghanistan’s current situation. I could have only gone back as far as 1973, but I felt it was important to note that it was the British and the Russians who divided the Pashtun tribe with the Afghanistan পাকিস্তান border, as the Pashtun eventually make up a large part of the Taliban later on. Also, Afghanistan experienced several regime changes, the latest one being only a few years ago. The war with the Soviet Union, and subsequent upheaval of the nation was a disaster for its development. Half the population was gone, displaced, অথবা a casualty of the wars. Infrastructure, such as streets, waterlines, etc, were physically damaged. Even before the war, in the 1970s, Afghanistan had one of the lowest standards of living in the world. Most of the development aid provided দ্বারা the Soviets were set up to assist a Soviet takeover, including the military. Also, going back almost 130 years shows that there seems to be several vicious cycles occurring in Afghanistan. Notice how two separate regimes tried to emancipate women and westernize, and the people rose up against them. And then, the United States try to democratize the country, and there is still resistance against that. The United States can also be compared to the Soviet Union in their treatment of Afghanistan, which was used as a pawn দ্বারা both nations in the Cold War. The United States, like the Soviet Union, is providing development aid to Afghanistan now, but to what end? The current American war in Afghanistan is a cause of much dissent in the United States. But that’s a digression for another paper.
I’ve realized that when examining Afghanistan and its culture, the situation must be approached carefully. It’s easy to condemn the traditions of the nation from a Western perspective. However, women within Afghanistan seek their freedom. According to Lichter, “Afghan feminists contend that Muslim women should be educated and free to contribute equally at every level of society. In particular, they believe women can promote change within ইসলাম দ্বারা studying the holy texts to expose the egalitarian concepts they claim to be inherent.” This shows that there is a way of empowering women within Afghanistan using their religion as an instrument, and without condemning an entire culture that’s existed for over thirteen-hundred years.
Analysis of Representations in the Media
“In a nation where women are traded for animals, female literacy is 13 per cent and medieval tribalism ensures religious and male domination and domestic violence, it is not surprising that the West associates Afghanistan with women cowering terrified in their homes.” – Ida Lichter, “Don’t jeopardise the rise of আফগান women”
The best place to start discussing representations of আফগান women in Western media is Ida Lichter’s প্রবন্ধ on that very topic. She says that the portrait of আফগান women “cowering terrified in their homes” ignores the “spirit and progress” that’s been made since the fall of the Taliban regime. She uses specific examples of আফগান women fighting for their rights to prove this point. Particularly powerful is her বিবরণ of Nobel Peace Prize nominee Sima Samar, often called “the Salman Rushdie of Afghanistan.”
However, despite this representation of আফগান women standing up for their own rights, Lichter adds a surprising twist ending to her article. In the last few paragraphs, she describes আফগান politician Malalai Joya’s call for the West to leave Afghanistan and allow them to “liberate themselves.” She follows this with the phrase, “a worthy goal, but sadly, unrealistic.” Her last paragraph then explains that if the West should leave Afghanistan, it would give militant extremists the opportunity to regain control and “much progress for women's rights could be squandered.”
This shift in attitude is rather interesting, considering the whole প্রবন্ধ was about how আফগান women have come into their own. It’s not necessarily an incorrect conclusion, just a surprising one, as it didn’t seem to be where the প্রবন্ধ was heading. It’s almost as if the প্রবন্ধ is saying, “Don’t belittle আফগান women… But don’t abandon them either!” It’s a slightly contradictory message. This may come from the conflicted attitude towards women’s rights in Afghanistan. We don’t want to impose our Western values on them, and yet we want them to be empowered. We want them to be independent, but we need to help them realize that goal.
“Parents, who in the past did not allow their daughters to go to school because of societal taboos, are once again keeping them at প্রথমপাতা because of the threat of attacks দ্বারা militants wielding acid অথবা worse.” - Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson, “Despite Dangers, আফগান Girls Determined to Learn”
The Nelson প্রবন্ধ seemed to have a little bit আরো of that “unbiased reporter” feel to it. Interestingly, I found this to be the most balanced perspective on the topic. While they reported the attacks on the schools and used active, frightening verbs and adjectives, they also discussed how the আফগান government and local women are fighting this oppression. They quoted locals আরো often than either the USAID প্রবন্ধ অথবা Lichter’s article, allowing the আফগান people to speak for themselves. However, the প্রবন্ধ still portrays Afghanistan as primarily a dangerous place. And even though it tells the stories of local heroes, and humanizes them with their own words, it still paints a negative image of Afghanistan as a whole.
“‘When I finish a carpet,’ ব্যক্ত Sara, age 17 and one of the association’s youngest widows, ‘I will sell it and solve my economic problems and help my father.’ Sara also supports two young daughters.” -USAID
The USAID case study interested me because I worked for a summer at USAID and wrote a few of them. So looking at the kind of লেখা I did with a critical eye added a new perspective for me. It really characterized the আফগান widows as helpless, and USAID as their great savior. This is painfully obvious when they call the widows “the most vulnerable group.” Though the point of this case study বিবরণ is to প্রদর্শনী how much progress USAID is making, it really characterizes the জনপ্রিয় representation of the OECD countries (in this case, the United States) rescuing the Global South from itself.
Afghanistan’s Economic Instability in Terms of Debt and Debt Relief
Afghanistan’s economy has been upset দ্বারা the violence of several wars. From the invading British in the eighteen hundreds to the civil war in the 1990s, stability has been a rare phenomenon for আফগান life. As a result of their turbulent history, they have acquired a substantial debt, and receive aid for that debt, especially from the United States. This debt is the result of an unstable government, as well as several wars that the nation has seen over the past hundred years. Two of these were with other nations: the Soviet Union Invasion, and the United States War to depose the Taliban. However, there were also conflicts within the nation itself between warring factions vying for power.
According to USAID, Afghanistan owes $8 billion in bilateral debt, mostly to Russia, and $500 million in debt to Multilateral Development Banks. Afghanistan is ranked 90th in debt compared to other nations (CIA World Fact Book), with আরো debt than Burma (91st on the list) and less than Costa Rica (89th). The amount of aid Afghanistan receives is entirely dependent on the international political climate. For example, they received billions in assistance during the 1980s, when the US was trying to help them force out the Soviet Union, but after the Soviets withdrew, the amount in relief they received virtually evaporated. American aid goes where there is American interest. Due to the lack of a steady development program (Center for American Progress), the nation struggled and became vulnerable for the Taliban to take control in the mid-nineties. However, even before the wars, in the 1970s, “Afghanistan had one of the lowest standards of living in the world” (Encarta Encyclopedia).
From 1986-2002, the United States suspended normal trade relations with Afghanistan. The Taliban came into power in 1996, changing the lives of আফগান citizens, especially আফগান women, who were forced দ্বারা law to wear full burkas and forbidden from attending school অথবা working outside their home. It was also mandatory that a woman be escorted দ্বারা a male relative. If they were caught breaking these laws, they were publicly beaten. During this time, there was virtually no economic অথবা developmental progress in the country.
American attention returned to the region after the September 11th attacks দ্বারা the Taliban-supported al-Qaeda. After the Taliban were deposed, reconstruction in the country began anew. Millions আরো Afghans were displaced দ্বারা the American war, but foreign aid returned to the country to help them rebuild. They received financial assistance both from (primarily Western) nations, as well as financial institutions like the World Bank. 90% of the আফগান government’s spending is funded দ্বারা foreign aid. The United States provides one third of all of Afghanistan’s aid (CAP). The US dispersed $5 billion in aid specifically for development in Afghanistan between 2002 and 2008, which is less than half of the $10.4 billion it promised to give. On the other hand, the US spends $36 billion annually on military expenses in Afghanistan. So the vast majority of American spending in Afghanistan is on the military, and not development. Which is a shame, considering 70% of Afghanistan’s population is illiterate and half live in absolute poverty. 14% of the population is involved in পোস্ত cultivation and the opium trade. “When surveyed,” says the CAP, “98% of আফগান পোস্ত cultivators ব্যক্ত they would be ready to stop opium production should access to alternative livelihoods be provided.”
In 2007, the IMF and World Bank declared that Afghanistan had made “sufficient steps in improving its economy to qualify for debt relief” (BBC). Afghanistan’s debt was cut দ্বারা 51% under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPCI). In 2006, Afghanistan’s debt stood at $12 billion dollars (now $8 billion).
Some NGOs and international government agencies are attempting to help rebuild Afghanistan as well, including USAID and Aid Afghanistan for Education (AAE). Thanks to programs like these, women are obtaining solid educations, so that they can be a valuable work force. Unfortunately, the Taliban’s presence is still felt in Afghanistan, as girls are often attacked for going to school. But they persevere, and these agencies help them feel empowered. Afghanistan seems to be on a very slow road to recovery. It will take a long time to rebuild their shattered economy, but they seem to be taking small steps.
Conclusion
Sultan Barakat, in his article, points out that the oppression of আফগান women is a সাম্প্রতিক concern to the United States, as Afghanistan is a সাম্প্রতিক enemy. He points out that the oppression of the burka “passed largely without মতামত when perpetrated দ্বারা anti-Soviet Mujaheddin allies in a cold war context” (Barakat, 909). Looking at Afghanistan through a Western eye, with Western biases and agendas, the image of Afghanistan is often skewed. The media often contributes to this. But Afghanistan is a whole nation, with a whole history and culture that must be taken into account. The goal is to সরানো towards equality for all citizens, not to completely demolish an entire culture and its history.
প্রবন্ধ 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “Everyone has the right to education… Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial অথবা religious groups.” Without this fundamental right, it is impossible for the advancement of women, which, as has been stated, is integral to the development of Afghanistan. আফগান women have resisted under the oppressive laws of the Taliban, and regimes that came before them. But they continue to endure. Now, they wear burkas to mask their identities like superheroes as they attend school, despite violent attacks on female students (Nelson). The burka has become a shield – not a tool of oppression. The women of Afghanistan are taking their male-dominated traditions and claiming them for their own.
Work Cited
"Afghanistan's turbulent history." BBC News (21 Nov 2008): Web. 13 Nov 2009. <link>.
Barakat, Sultan, and Gareth Wardell. "Exploited দ্বারা Whom? An Alternative Perspective on Humanitarian Assistance to আফগান Women." Third World Quarterly. 23.5 (2002): 909-930.
Lichter, Ida. “Don’t jeopardise the rise of আফগান women.” The Australian (14 Oct 2009), Web. 13 Nov 2009. < link>
Nelson, Soraya Sarhaddi. “Despite Dangers, আফগান Girls Determined to Learn.” National Public Radio May 1 2009, Web. 16 Oct 2009. < link>.
Sheppard, Eric, Philip Porter, David Faust, and Richa Nagar. A World of Difference. 2nd. New York: The Guilford Press, 2009. 80. Print.
Shroder, John Ford. "Afghanistan." Microsoft® Encarta® 2006 [CD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2005.
"Weaving Hope for আফগান Widows." United States Agency for International Development. 20 May 2009. Web. 16 Oct 2009. <link>.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. December 10, 1948. United Nations
Why is the education of women important to development?
According to the UN Arab Human Development প্রতিবেদন from 2005, “an Arab renaissance cannot be accomplished without the rise of women in Arab countries.” Under the সাম্প্রতিক Taliban regime, girls were forbidden from attending school. Even though the Taliban no longer have control of the government, they still attack girls who attempt to get an education. Though the current government supports the education of women, they have little funds to give to it. As such, the cause has attracted governments and NGOs like the World খাবার Program and the Canadian International Development Agency to contribute resources to encourage young women to go to schools.
The Women in Development concept (WID), which arose during the emancipation of women in the West, changed the way women were perceived in relation to economic development. WID critics of development planning argued for “better designated opportunities that could help women to advance their competitiveness and productivity in a male-dominated economy without superimposing western values regarding appropriate work for women” (Sheppard et al, 80). The first step to empowering women and allowing them to contribute to the progress of their nation is to provide a basic education. But unfortunately, the resources required to obtain that education remain elusive to the young girls of Afghanistan, for whom walking three blocks to school is the equivalent of crossing a battlefield.
A Brief Historical Analysis of Afghanistan
We’ll begin with 1880, when the British gained control over আফগান foreign relations at the end of the সেকেন্ড Anglo-Afghan War. Afghanistan’s borders shrank, delineated দ্বারা the negotiating Russians and British. To the two feuding empires, Afghanistan served as a buffer state. The Durand Line, established during this time, separated the militant Pashtun tribe’s territory in half. Problems resulting from that division continue today.
Afghanistan won full independence in the Third Anglo-Afghan War in 1919, fought to end the British control over their foreign affairs. The leader of the time, Amanullah, worked towards modernization, which basically translated to westernization. Reforms encouraged women to stop wearing the burka, and men to wear Western-style clothing. These reforms infuriated religious groups, who revolted and sent Amanullah fleeing from the country. In 1953, the Soviet Union helped Afghanistan modernize its military and economy, but social reforms were slow. As a result, the Soviets held a heavy influence over Afghanistan, which would cause a lot of damage to Afghanistan in later years. Afghanistan adopted a new constitution in 1964, changing their absolute monarchy government to a constitutional monarchy. But according to the BBC, “Afghanistan’s descent into conflict and instability… began with the overthrow of the king in 1973.”
Muhammad Daud declared himself president of the new republic, but in April 1978 he was shot and killed. Muhammad Taraki was now the head of Afghanistan’s first Marxist government. Taraki wanted vast reform, including the emancipation of women and a literacy campaign, but just as with Amanullah, this offended the Islamic population. Taraki was deposed and later killed in September 1979. His successor attempted to suppress the Islamic rebellion to no avail. On December 25th, 1979, the Soviet Union invaded. The occupation lasted ten years, but the Red Army didn’t withdraw peacefully. A million Afghans হারিয়ে গেছে their lives, and still আরো fled the country. The mujahideen, Islamic আফগান fighters, resisted the Soviet army and tried to force them to retreat with help from the United States. In 1992, the mujahideen took power of the new Islamic Republic. But the war took its toll on Afghanistan. দ্বারা the end of it, half the population had migrated, was displaced in the country, and was either wounded, অথবা killed. In addition, the school system was আরো অথবা less destroyed, and as a result, the economy was in shambles, and industrialization was limited.
But that was only the beginning. Fighting broke out among the mujahideen factions, and eventually the Taliban emerged. The Taliban was predominantly made up of members of the Pashtun tribe, which traditionally held power in Afghanistan, and the Taliban sought to restore that power. The Taliban’s goal was to impose a rigid fundamental version of Islamic law. They took Kabul in 1996. Taliban law forced women to wear burkas and forbid them from attending school অথবা working, among several other strict laws. The international community condemned the Taliban, but it wasn’t until after the September 11th 2001 attacks দ্বারা the Taliban-supporting al-Qaeda that the United States and Britain actively tried to depose the Taliban regime, succeeding in 2002.
There was an interim government for a few years, leading to Afghanistan’s first presidential election in October of 2004, but Taliban factions still remain present and active in the country.
Even though a large part of the blame for the struggle of আফগান women could be attributed to the Taliban, I began this historical analysis way back in 1880 to প্রদর্শনী that several other things have contributed to Afghanistan’s current situation. I could have only gone back as far as 1973, but I felt it was important to note that it was the British and the Russians who divided the Pashtun tribe with the Afghanistan পাকিস্তান border, as the Pashtun eventually make up a large part of the Taliban later on. Also, Afghanistan experienced several regime changes, the latest one being only a few years ago. The war with the Soviet Union, and subsequent upheaval of the nation was a disaster for its development. Half the population was gone, displaced, অথবা a casualty of the wars. Infrastructure, such as streets, waterlines, etc, were physically damaged. Even before the war, in the 1970s, Afghanistan had one of the lowest standards of living in the world. Most of the development aid provided দ্বারা the Soviets were set up to assist a Soviet takeover, including the military. Also, going back almost 130 years shows that there seems to be several vicious cycles occurring in Afghanistan. Notice how two separate regimes tried to emancipate women and westernize, and the people rose up against them. And then, the United States try to democratize the country, and there is still resistance against that. The United States can also be compared to the Soviet Union in their treatment of Afghanistan, which was used as a pawn দ্বারা both nations in the Cold War. The United States, like the Soviet Union, is providing development aid to Afghanistan now, but to what end? The current American war in Afghanistan is a cause of much dissent in the United States. But that’s a digression for another paper.
I’ve realized that when examining Afghanistan and its culture, the situation must be approached carefully. It’s easy to condemn the traditions of the nation from a Western perspective. However, women within Afghanistan seek their freedom. According to Lichter, “Afghan feminists contend that Muslim women should be educated and free to contribute equally at every level of society. In particular, they believe women can promote change within ইসলাম দ্বারা studying the holy texts to expose the egalitarian concepts they claim to be inherent.” This shows that there is a way of empowering women within Afghanistan using their religion as an instrument, and without condemning an entire culture that’s existed for over thirteen-hundred years.
Analysis of Representations in the Media
“In a nation where women are traded for animals, female literacy is 13 per cent and medieval tribalism ensures religious and male domination and domestic violence, it is not surprising that the West associates Afghanistan with women cowering terrified in their homes.” – Ida Lichter, “Don’t jeopardise the rise of আফগান women”
The best place to start discussing representations of আফগান women in Western media is Ida Lichter’s প্রবন্ধ on that very topic. She says that the portrait of আফগান women “cowering terrified in their homes” ignores the “spirit and progress” that’s been made since the fall of the Taliban regime. She uses specific examples of আফগান women fighting for their rights to prove this point. Particularly powerful is her বিবরণ of Nobel Peace Prize nominee Sima Samar, often called “the Salman Rushdie of Afghanistan.”
However, despite this representation of আফগান women standing up for their own rights, Lichter adds a surprising twist ending to her article. In the last few paragraphs, she describes আফগান politician Malalai Joya’s call for the West to leave Afghanistan and allow them to “liberate themselves.” She follows this with the phrase, “a worthy goal, but sadly, unrealistic.” Her last paragraph then explains that if the West should leave Afghanistan, it would give militant extremists the opportunity to regain control and “much progress for women's rights could be squandered.”
This shift in attitude is rather interesting, considering the whole প্রবন্ধ was about how আফগান women have come into their own. It’s not necessarily an incorrect conclusion, just a surprising one, as it didn’t seem to be where the প্রবন্ধ was heading. It’s almost as if the প্রবন্ধ is saying, “Don’t belittle আফগান women… But don’t abandon them either!” It’s a slightly contradictory message. This may come from the conflicted attitude towards women’s rights in Afghanistan. We don’t want to impose our Western values on them, and yet we want them to be empowered. We want them to be independent, but we need to help them realize that goal.
“Parents, who in the past did not allow their daughters to go to school because of societal taboos, are once again keeping them at প্রথমপাতা because of the threat of attacks দ্বারা militants wielding acid অথবা worse.” - Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson, “Despite Dangers, আফগান Girls Determined to Learn”
The Nelson প্রবন্ধ seemed to have a little bit আরো of that “unbiased reporter” feel to it. Interestingly, I found this to be the most balanced perspective on the topic. While they reported the attacks on the schools and used active, frightening verbs and adjectives, they also discussed how the আফগান government and local women are fighting this oppression. They quoted locals আরো often than either the USAID প্রবন্ধ অথবা Lichter’s article, allowing the আফগান people to speak for themselves. However, the প্রবন্ধ still portrays Afghanistan as primarily a dangerous place. And even though it tells the stories of local heroes, and humanizes them with their own words, it still paints a negative image of Afghanistan as a whole.
“‘When I finish a carpet,’ ব্যক্ত Sara, age 17 and one of the association’s youngest widows, ‘I will sell it and solve my economic problems and help my father.’ Sara also supports two young daughters.” -USAID
The USAID case study interested me because I worked for a summer at USAID and wrote a few of them. So looking at the kind of লেখা I did with a critical eye added a new perspective for me. It really characterized the আফগান widows as helpless, and USAID as their great savior. This is painfully obvious when they call the widows “the most vulnerable group.” Though the point of this case study বিবরণ is to প্রদর্শনী how much progress USAID is making, it really characterizes the জনপ্রিয় representation of the OECD countries (in this case, the United States) rescuing the Global South from itself.
Afghanistan’s Economic Instability in Terms of Debt and Debt Relief
Afghanistan’s economy has been upset দ্বারা the violence of several wars. From the invading British in the eighteen hundreds to the civil war in the 1990s, stability has been a rare phenomenon for আফগান life. As a result of their turbulent history, they have acquired a substantial debt, and receive aid for that debt, especially from the United States. This debt is the result of an unstable government, as well as several wars that the nation has seen over the past hundred years. Two of these were with other nations: the Soviet Union Invasion, and the United States War to depose the Taliban. However, there were also conflicts within the nation itself between warring factions vying for power.
According to USAID, Afghanistan owes $8 billion in bilateral debt, mostly to Russia, and $500 million in debt to Multilateral Development Banks. Afghanistan is ranked 90th in debt compared to other nations (CIA World Fact Book), with আরো debt than Burma (91st on the list) and less than Costa Rica (89th). The amount of aid Afghanistan receives is entirely dependent on the international political climate. For example, they received billions in assistance during the 1980s, when the US was trying to help them force out the Soviet Union, but after the Soviets withdrew, the amount in relief they received virtually evaporated. American aid goes where there is American interest. Due to the lack of a steady development program (Center for American Progress), the nation struggled and became vulnerable for the Taliban to take control in the mid-nineties. However, even before the wars, in the 1970s, “Afghanistan had one of the lowest standards of living in the world” (Encarta Encyclopedia).
From 1986-2002, the United States suspended normal trade relations with Afghanistan. The Taliban came into power in 1996, changing the lives of আফগান citizens, especially আফগান women, who were forced দ্বারা law to wear full burkas and forbidden from attending school অথবা working outside their home. It was also mandatory that a woman be escorted দ্বারা a male relative. If they were caught breaking these laws, they were publicly beaten. During this time, there was virtually no economic অথবা developmental progress in the country.
American attention returned to the region after the September 11th attacks দ্বারা the Taliban-supported al-Qaeda. After the Taliban were deposed, reconstruction in the country began anew. Millions আরো Afghans were displaced দ্বারা the American war, but foreign aid returned to the country to help them rebuild. They received financial assistance both from (primarily Western) nations, as well as financial institutions like the World Bank. 90% of the আফগান government’s spending is funded দ্বারা foreign aid. The United States provides one third of all of Afghanistan’s aid (CAP). The US dispersed $5 billion in aid specifically for development in Afghanistan between 2002 and 2008, which is less than half of the $10.4 billion it promised to give. On the other hand, the US spends $36 billion annually on military expenses in Afghanistan. So the vast majority of American spending in Afghanistan is on the military, and not development. Which is a shame, considering 70% of Afghanistan’s population is illiterate and half live in absolute poverty. 14% of the population is involved in পোস্ত cultivation and the opium trade. “When surveyed,” says the CAP, “98% of আফগান পোস্ত cultivators ব্যক্ত they would be ready to stop opium production should access to alternative livelihoods be provided.”
In 2007, the IMF and World Bank declared that Afghanistan had made “sufficient steps in improving its economy to qualify for debt relief” (BBC). Afghanistan’s debt was cut দ্বারা 51% under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPCI). In 2006, Afghanistan’s debt stood at $12 billion dollars (now $8 billion).
Some NGOs and international government agencies are attempting to help rebuild Afghanistan as well, including USAID and Aid Afghanistan for Education (AAE). Thanks to programs like these, women are obtaining solid educations, so that they can be a valuable work force. Unfortunately, the Taliban’s presence is still felt in Afghanistan, as girls are often attacked for going to school. But they persevere, and these agencies help them feel empowered. Afghanistan seems to be on a very slow road to recovery. It will take a long time to rebuild their shattered economy, but they seem to be taking small steps.
Conclusion
Sultan Barakat, in his article, points out that the oppression of আফগান women is a সাম্প্রতিক concern to the United States, as Afghanistan is a সাম্প্রতিক enemy. He points out that the oppression of the burka “passed largely without মতামত when perpetrated দ্বারা anti-Soviet Mujaheddin allies in a cold war context” (Barakat, 909). Looking at Afghanistan through a Western eye, with Western biases and agendas, the image of Afghanistan is often skewed. The media often contributes to this. But Afghanistan is a whole nation, with a whole history and culture that must be taken into account. The goal is to সরানো towards equality for all citizens, not to completely demolish an entire culture and its history.
প্রবন্ধ 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “Everyone has the right to education… Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial অথবা religious groups.” Without this fundamental right, it is impossible for the advancement of women, which, as has been stated, is integral to the development of Afghanistan. আফগান women have resisted under the oppressive laws of the Taliban, and regimes that came before them. But they continue to endure. Now, they wear burkas to mask their identities like superheroes as they attend school, despite violent attacks on female students (Nelson). The burka has become a shield – not a tool of oppression. The women of Afghanistan are taking their male-dominated traditions and claiming them for their own.
Work Cited
"Afghanistan's turbulent history." BBC News (21 Nov 2008): Web. 13 Nov 2009. <link>.
Barakat, Sultan, and Gareth Wardell. "Exploited দ্বারা Whom? An Alternative Perspective on Humanitarian Assistance to আফগান Women." Third World Quarterly. 23.5 (2002): 909-930.
Lichter, Ida. “Don’t jeopardise the rise of আফগান women.” The Australian (14 Oct 2009), Web. 13 Nov 2009. < link>
Nelson, Soraya Sarhaddi. “Despite Dangers, আফগান Girls Determined to Learn.” National Public Radio May 1 2009, Web. 16 Oct 2009. < link>.
Sheppard, Eric, Philip Porter, David Faust, and Richa Nagar. A World of Difference. 2nd. New York: The Guilford Press, 2009. 80. Print.
Shroder, John Ford. "Afghanistan." Microsoft® Encarta® 2006 [CD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2005.
"Weaving Hope for আফগান Widows." United States Agency for International Development. 20 May 2009. Web. 16 Oct 2009. <link>.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. December 10, 1948. United Nations
