Freedom অথবা Death
দ্বারা Emmaline Pankhurst
This speech was delivered in Hartford, Connecticut on November 13 1913
I do not come here as an advocate, because whatever position the suffrage movement may occupy in the United States of America, in England it has passed beyond the realm of advocacy and it has entered into the sphere of practical politics. It has become the subject of revolution and civil war, and so tonight I am not here to advocate woman suffrage. American suffragists can do that very well for themselves.
I am here as a soldier who has temporarily left the field of battle in order to explain - it seems strange it should have to be explained - what civil war is like when civil war is waged দ্বারা women. I am not only here as a soldier temporarily absent from the field at battle; I am here - and that, I think, is the strangest part of my coming - I am here as a person who, according to the law courts of my country, it has been decided, is of no value to the community at all; and I am adjudged because of my life to be a dangerous person, under sentence of penal servitude in a convict prison.
It is not at all difficult if revolutionaries come to আপনি from Russia, if they come to আপনি from China, অথবা from any other part of the world, if they are men. But since I am a woman it is necessary to explain why women have adopted revolutionary methods in order to win the rights of citizenship. We women, in trying to make our case clear, always have to make as part of our argument, and urge upon men in our audience the fact - a very simple fact - that women are human beings.
Suppose the men of Hartford had a grievance, and they laid that grievance before their legislature, and the legislature obstinately refused to listen to them, অথবা to remove their grievance, what would be the proper and the constitutional and the practical way of getting their grievance removed? Well, it is perfectly obvious at the পরবর্তি general election the men of Hartford would turn out that legislature and elect a new one.
But let the men of Hartford imagine that they were not in the position of being voters at all, that they were governed without their consent being obtained, that the legislature turned an absolutely deaf ear to their demands, what would the men of Hartford do then? They couldn't vote the legislature out. They would have to choose; they would have to make a choice of two evils: they would either have to জমা করুন indefinitely to an unjust state of affairs, অথবা they would have to rise up and adopt some of the antiquated means দ্বারা which men in the past got their grievances remedied.
Your forefathers decided that they must have representation for taxation, many, many years ago. When they felt they couldn't wait any longer, when they laid all the arguments before an obstinate British government that they could think of, and when their arguments were absolutely disregarded, when every other means had failed, they began দ্বারা the চা party at Boston, and they went on until they had won the independence of the United States of America.
It is about eight years since the word militant was first used to describe what we were doing. It was not militant at all, except that it provoked militancy on the part of those who were opposed to it. When women asked প্রশ্ন in political meetings and failed to get answers, they were not doing anything militant. In Great Britain it is a custom, a time-honoured one, to ask প্রশ্ন of candidates for parliament and ask প্রশ্ন of members of the government. No man was ever put out of a public meeting for asking a question.
The first people who were put out of a political meeting for asking questions, were women; they were brutally ill-used; they found themselves in jail before 24 hours had expired.
We were called militant, and we were quite willing to accept the name. We were determined to press this প্রশ্ন of the enfranchisement of women to the point where we were no longer to be ignored দ্বারা the politicians.
আপনি have two শিশুরা very hungry and wanting to be fed. One baby is a patient baby, and waits indefinitely until its mother is ready to feed it. The other baby is an impatient baby and cries lustily, screams and kicks and makes everybody unpleasant until it is fed. Well, we know perfectly well which baby is attended to first. That is the whole history of politics. আপনি have to make আরো noise than anybody else, আপনি have to make yourself আরো obtrusive than anybody else, আপনি have to fill all the papers আরো than anybody else, in fact আপনি have to be there all the time and see that they do not snow আপনি under.
When আপনি have warfare things happen; people suffer; the noncombatants suffer as well as the combatants. And so it happens in civil war. When your forefathers threw the চা into Boston Harbour, a good many women had to go without their tea.
It has always seemed to me an extraordinary thing that আপনি did not follow it up দ্বারা throwing the whiskey overboard; আপনি sacrificed the women; and there is a good deal of warfare for which men take a great deal of glorification which has involved আরো practical sacrifice on women than it has on any man. It always has been so. The grievances of those who have got power, the influence of those who have got power commands a great deal of attention; but the wrongs and the grievances of those people who have no power at all are apt to be absolutely ignored. That is the history of humanity right from the beginning.
Well, in our civil war people have suffered, but আপনি cannot make omelettes without breaking eggs; আপনি cannot have civil war without damage to something. The great thing is to see that no আরো damage is done than is absolutely necessary, that আপনি do just as much as will arouse enough feeling to bring about peace, to bring about an honourable peace for the combatants; and that is what we have been doing.
We entirely prevented stockbrokers in লন্ডন from telegraphing to stockbrokers in Glasgow and vice versa: for one whole দিন telegraphic communication was entirely stopped. I am not going to tell আপনি how it was done. I am not going to tell আপনি how the women got to the mains and cut the wires; but it was done. It was done, and it was proved to the authorities that weak women, suffrage women, as we are supposed to be, had enough ingenuity to create a situation of that kind. Now, I ask you, if women can do that, is there any to what we can do except the we put upon ourselves?
If আপনি are dealing with an industrial revolution, if আপনি get the men and women of one class rising up against the men and women of another class, আপনি can locate the difficulty; if there is a great industrial strike, আপনি know exactly where the violence is and how the warfare is going to be waged; but in our war against the government আপনি can't locate it. We wear no mark; we belong to every class; we permeate every class of the community from the highest to the lowest; and so আপনি see in the woman's civil war the dear men of my country are discovering it is absolutely impossible to deal with it: আপনি cannot locate it, and আপনি cannot stop it.
"Put them in prison," they said, "that will stop it." But it didn't stop it at all: instead of the women giving it up, আরো women did it, and আরো and আরো and আরো women did it until there were 300 women at a time, who had not broken a single law, only "made a nuisance of themselves" as the politicians say.
Then they began to legislate. The British government has passed আরো stringent laws to deal with this agitation than it ever found necessary during all the history of political agitation in my country. They were able to deal with the revolutionaries of the Chartists' time; they were able to deal with the trades union agitation; they were able to deal with the revolutionaries later on when the Reform Acts were passed: but the ordinary law has not sufficed to curb insurgent women. They had to dip back into the middle ages to find a means of repressing the women in revolt.
They have ব্যক্ত to us, government rests upon force, the women haven't force, so they must submit. Well, we are প্রদর্শিত হচ্ছে them that government does not rest upon force at all: it rests upon consent. As long as women consent to be unjustly governed, they can be, but directly women say: "We withhold our consent, we will not be governed any longer so long as that government is unjust." Not দ্বারা the forces of civil war can আপনি govern the very weakest woman. আপনি can kill that woman, but she escapes আপনি then; আপনি cannot govern her. No power on earth can govern a human being, however feeble, who withholds his অথবা her consent.
When they put us in prison at first, simply for taking petitions, we submitted; we allowed them to dress us in prison clothes; we allowed them to put us in solitary confinement; we allowed them to put us amongst the most degraded of criminals; we learned of some of the appalling evils of our so-called civilisation that we could not have learned in any other way. It was valuable experience, and we were glad to get it.
I have seen men smile when they heard the words "hunger strike", and yet I think there are very few men today who would be prepared to adopt a "hunger strike" for any cause. It is only people who feel an intolerable sense of oppression who would adopt a means of that kind. It means আপনি refuse খাবার until আপনি are at death's door, and then the authorities have to choose between letting আপনি die, and letting আপনি go; and then they let the women go.
Now, that went on so long that the government felt that they were unable to cope. It was [then] that, to the shame of the British government, they set the example to authorities all over the world of feeding sane, resisting human beings দ্বারা force. There may be doctors in this meeting: if so, they know it is one thing to feed দ্বারা force an insane person; but it is quite another thing to feed a sane, resisting human being who resists with every nerve and with every fibre of her body the indignity and the outrage of forcible feeding. Now, that was done in England, and the government thought they had crushed us. But they found that it did not quell the agitation, that আরো and আরো women came in and even passed that terrible ordeal, and they were obliged to let them go.
Then came the legislation - the "Cat and মাউস Act". The প্রথমপাতা secretary said: "Give me the power to let these women go when they are at death's door, and leave them at liberty under license until they have recovered their health again and then bring them back." It was passed to repress the agitation, to make the women yield - because that is what it has really come to, ladies and gentlemen. It has come to a battle between the women and the government as to who shall yield first, whether they will yield and give us the vote, অথবা whether we will give up our agitation.
Well, they little know what women are. Women are very slow to rouse, but once they are aroused, once they are determined, nothing on earth and nothing in heaven will make women give way; it is impossible. And so this "Cat and মাউস Act" which is being used against women today has failed.
There are women lying at death's door, recovering enough strength to undergo operations who have not প্রদত্ত in and won't give in, and who will be prepared, as soon as they get up from their sick beds, to go on as before. There are women who are being carried from their sick beds on stretchers into meetings. They are too weak to speak, but they go amongst their fellow workers just to প্রদর্শনী that their spirits are unquenched, and that their spirit is alive, and they mean to go on as long as life lasts.
Now, I want to say to আপনি who think women cannot succeed, we have brought the government of England to this position, that it has to face this alternative: either women are to be killed অথবা women are to have the vote. I ask American men in this meeting, what would আপনি say if in your state আপনি were faced with that alternative, that আপনি must either kill them অথবা give them their citizenship? Well, there is only one answer to that alternative, there is only one way out - আপনি must give those women the vote.
আপনি won your freedom in America when আপনি had the revolution, দ্বারা bloodshed, দ্বারা sacrificing human life. আপনি won the civil war দ্বারা the sacrifice of human life when আপনি decided to emancipate the negro. আপনি have left it to women in your land, the men of all civilised countries have left it to women, to work out their own salvation. That is the way in which we women of England are doing. Human life for us is sacred, but we say if any life is to be sacrificed it shall be ours; we won't do it ourselves, but we will put the enemy in the position where they will have to choose between giving us freedom অথবা giving us death.
So here am I. I come in the intervals of prison appearance. I come after having been four times imprisoned under the "Cat and মাউস Act", probably going back to be rearrested as soon as I set my foot on British soil. I come to ask আপনি to help to win this fight. If we win it, this hardest of all fights, then, to be sure, in the future it is going to be made easier for women all over the world to win their fight when their time comes.
দ্বারা Emmaline Pankhurst
This speech was delivered in Hartford, Connecticut on November 13 1913
I do not come here as an advocate, because whatever position the suffrage movement may occupy in the United States of America, in England it has passed beyond the realm of advocacy and it has entered into the sphere of practical politics. It has become the subject of revolution and civil war, and so tonight I am not here to advocate woman suffrage. American suffragists can do that very well for themselves.
I am here as a soldier who has temporarily left the field of battle in order to explain - it seems strange it should have to be explained - what civil war is like when civil war is waged দ্বারা women. I am not only here as a soldier temporarily absent from the field at battle; I am here - and that, I think, is the strangest part of my coming - I am here as a person who, according to the law courts of my country, it has been decided, is of no value to the community at all; and I am adjudged because of my life to be a dangerous person, under sentence of penal servitude in a convict prison.
It is not at all difficult if revolutionaries come to আপনি from Russia, if they come to আপনি from China, অথবা from any other part of the world, if they are men. But since I am a woman it is necessary to explain why women have adopted revolutionary methods in order to win the rights of citizenship. We women, in trying to make our case clear, always have to make as part of our argument, and urge upon men in our audience the fact - a very simple fact - that women are human beings.
Suppose the men of Hartford had a grievance, and they laid that grievance before their legislature, and the legislature obstinately refused to listen to them, অথবা to remove their grievance, what would be the proper and the constitutional and the practical way of getting their grievance removed? Well, it is perfectly obvious at the পরবর্তি general election the men of Hartford would turn out that legislature and elect a new one.
But let the men of Hartford imagine that they were not in the position of being voters at all, that they were governed without their consent being obtained, that the legislature turned an absolutely deaf ear to their demands, what would the men of Hartford do then? They couldn't vote the legislature out. They would have to choose; they would have to make a choice of two evils: they would either have to জমা করুন indefinitely to an unjust state of affairs, অথবা they would have to rise up and adopt some of the antiquated means দ্বারা which men in the past got their grievances remedied.
Your forefathers decided that they must have representation for taxation, many, many years ago. When they felt they couldn't wait any longer, when they laid all the arguments before an obstinate British government that they could think of, and when their arguments were absolutely disregarded, when every other means had failed, they began দ্বারা the চা party at Boston, and they went on until they had won the independence of the United States of America.
It is about eight years since the word militant was first used to describe what we were doing. It was not militant at all, except that it provoked militancy on the part of those who were opposed to it. When women asked প্রশ্ন in political meetings and failed to get answers, they were not doing anything militant. In Great Britain it is a custom, a time-honoured one, to ask প্রশ্ন of candidates for parliament and ask প্রশ্ন of members of the government. No man was ever put out of a public meeting for asking a question.
The first people who were put out of a political meeting for asking questions, were women; they were brutally ill-used; they found themselves in jail before 24 hours had expired.
We were called militant, and we were quite willing to accept the name. We were determined to press this প্রশ্ন of the enfranchisement of women to the point where we were no longer to be ignored দ্বারা the politicians.
আপনি have two শিশুরা very hungry and wanting to be fed. One baby is a patient baby, and waits indefinitely until its mother is ready to feed it. The other baby is an impatient baby and cries lustily, screams and kicks and makes everybody unpleasant until it is fed. Well, we know perfectly well which baby is attended to first. That is the whole history of politics. আপনি have to make আরো noise than anybody else, আপনি have to make yourself আরো obtrusive than anybody else, আপনি have to fill all the papers আরো than anybody else, in fact আপনি have to be there all the time and see that they do not snow আপনি under.
When আপনি have warfare things happen; people suffer; the noncombatants suffer as well as the combatants. And so it happens in civil war. When your forefathers threw the চা into Boston Harbour, a good many women had to go without their tea.
It has always seemed to me an extraordinary thing that আপনি did not follow it up দ্বারা throwing the whiskey overboard; আপনি sacrificed the women; and there is a good deal of warfare for which men take a great deal of glorification which has involved আরো practical sacrifice on women than it has on any man. It always has been so. The grievances of those who have got power, the influence of those who have got power commands a great deal of attention; but the wrongs and the grievances of those people who have no power at all are apt to be absolutely ignored. That is the history of humanity right from the beginning.
Well, in our civil war people have suffered, but আপনি cannot make omelettes without breaking eggs; আপনি cannot have civil war without damage to something. The great thing is to see that no আরো damage is done than is absolutely necessary, that আপনি do just as much as will arouse enough feeling to bring about peace, to bring about an honourable peace for the combatants; and that is what we have been doing.
We entirely prevented stockbrokers in লন্ডন from telegraphing to stockbrokers in Glasgow and vice versa: for one whole দিন telegraphic communication was entirely stopped. I am not going to tell আপনি how it was done. I am not going to tell আপনি how the women got to the mains and cut the wires; but it was done. It was done, and it was proved to the authorities that weak women, suffrage women, as we are supposed to be, had enough ingenuity to create a situation of that kind. Now, I ask you, if women can do that, is there any to what we can do except the we put upon ourselves?
If আপনি are dealing with an industrial revolution, if আপনি get the men and women of one class rising up against the men and women of another class, আপনি can locate the difficulty; if there is a great industrial strike, আপনি know exactly where the violence is and how the warfare is going to be waged; but in our war against the government আপনি can't locate it. We wear no mark; we belong to every class; we permeate every class of the community from the highest to the lowest; and so আপনি see in the woman's civil war the dear men of my country are discovering it is absolutely impossible to deal with it: আপনি cannot locate it, and আপনি cannot stop it.
"Put them in prison," they said, "that will stop it." But it didn't stop it at all: instead of the women giving it up, আরো women did it, and আরো and আরো and আরো women did it until there were 300 women at a time, who had not broken a single law, only "made a nuisance of themselves" as the politicians say.
Then they began to legislate. The British government has passed আরো stringent laws to deal with this agitation than it ever found necessary during all the history of political agitation in my country. They were able to deal with the revolutionaries of the Chartists' time; they were able to deal with the trades union agitation; they were able to deal with the revolutionaries later on when the Reform Acts were passed: but the ordinary law has not sufficed to curb insurgent women. They had to dip back into the middle ages to find a means of repressing the women in revolt.
They have ব্যক্ত to us, government rests upon force, the women haven't force, so they must submit. Well, we are প্রদর্শিত হচ্ছে them that government does not rest upon force at all: it rests upon consent. As long as women consent to be unjustly governed, they can be, but directly women say: "We withhold our consent, we will not be governed any longer so long as that government is unjust." Not দ্বারা the forces of civil war can আপনি govern the very weakest woman. আপনি can kill that woman, but she escapes আপনি then; আপনি cannot govern her. No power on earth can govern a human being, however feeble, who withholds his অথবা her consent.
When they put us in prison at first, simply for taking petitions, we submitted; we allowed them to dress us in prison clothes; we allowed them to put us in solitary confinement; we allowed them to put us amongst the most degraded of criminals; we learned of some of the appalling evils of our so-called civilisation that we could not have learned in any other way. It was valuable experience, and we were glad to get it.
I have seen men smile when they heard the words "hunger strike", and yet I think there are very few men today who would be prepared to adopt a "hunger strike" for any cause. It is only people who feel an intolerable sense of oppression who would adopt a means of that kind. It means আপনি refuse খাবার until আপনি are at death's door, and then the authorities have to choose between letting আপনি die, and letting আপনি go; and then they let the women go.
Now, that went on so long that the government felt that they were unable to cope. It was [then] that, to the shame of the British government, they set the example to authorities all over the world of feeding sane, resisting human beings দ্বারা force. There may be doctors in this meeting: if so, they know it is one thing to feed দ্বারা force an insane person; but it is quite another thing to feed a sane, resisting human being who resists with every nerve and with every fibre of her body the indignity and the outrage of forcible feeding. Now, that was done in England, and the government thought they had crushed us. But they found that it did not quell the agitation, that আরো and আরো women came in and even passed that terrible ordeal, and they were obliged to let them go.
Then came the legislation - the "Cat and মাউস Act". The প্রথমপাতা secretary said: "Give me the power to let these women go when they are at death's door, and leave them at liberty under license until they have recovered their health again and then bring them back." It was passed to repress the agitation, to make the women yield - because that is what it has really come to, ladies and gentlemen. It has come to a battle between the women and the government as to who shall yield first, whether they will yield and give us the vote, অথবা whether we will give up our agitation.
Well, they little know what women are. Women are very slow to rouse, but once they are aroused, once they are determined, nothing on earth and nothing in heaven will make women give way; it is impossible. And so this "Cat and মাউস Act" which is being used against women today has failed.
There are women lying at death's door, recovering enough strength to undergo operations who have not প্রদত্ত in and won't give in, and who will be prepared, as soon as they get up from their sick beds, to go on as before. There are women who are being carried from their sick beds on stretchers into meetings. They are too weak to speak, but they go amongst their fellow workers just to প্রদর্শনী that their spirits are unquenched, and that their spirit is alive, and they mean to go on as long as life lasts.
Now, I want to say to আপনি who think women cannot succeed, we have brought the government of England to this position, that it has to face this alternative: either women are to be killed অথবা women are to have the vote. I ask American men in this meeting, what would আপনি say if in your state আপনি were faced with that alternative, that আপনি must either kill them অথবা give them their citizenship? Well, there is only one answer to that alternative, there is only one way out - আপনি must give those women the vote.
আপনি won your freedom in America when আপনি had the revolution, দ্বারা bloodshed, দ্বারা sacrificing human life. আপনি won the civil war দ্বারা the sacrifice of human life when আপনি decided to emancipate the negro. আপনি have left it to women in your land, the men of all civilised countries have left it to women, to work out their own salvation. That is the way in which we women of England are doing. Human life for us is sacred, but we say if any life is to be sacrificed it shall be ours; we won't do it ourselves, but we will put the enemy in the position where they will have to choose between giving us freedom অথবা giving us death.
So here am I. I come in the intervals of prison appearance. I come after having been four times imprisoned under the "Cat and মাউস Act", probably going back to be rearrested as soon as I set my foot on British soil. I come to ask আপনি to help to win this fight. If we win it, this hardest of all fights, then, to be sure, in the future it is going to be made easier for women all over the world to win their fight when their time comes.
x and y are not dissimilar . In fact they are so similar that y is called x with missing leg. If that is correct then there remain no difference in blue print . if blue print is same how can the structure erected on the basis of this can be different. Only difference must be in arrangement and for a capable mind that is no difference at all . so to say man is just the woman with clitoris enlarged as penis. Vagina stitched to be scrotum and ovaries dropped down from the tummy as testis........(Ref-man is the extension of woman)